Ce livre regroupe les discours de Wilfried Martens prononcés entre 1990 et 1994. Il s'agit d'une période charnière pour l'Europe marquée par la réunification de l'Allemagne, la disparition du bloc soviétique et la volonté des pays de l'ex-Europe de l'Est d'intégrer l'Union européenne des Douze.

Pour l'auteur, cela ouvre le chemin vers une Grande Europe qui aura un rôle important dans la nouvelle donne internationale, mais représente un double défi, politique et socio-économique, pour surmonter les inégalités entre les pays occidentaux et ceux de l'Europe centrale et orientale. L'élargissement de la Communauté européenne et ses modalités sont largement abordés en tant que pas nécessaire et inévitable mais qui demande la plus grande prudence.

Pour Wilfried Martens, la dialectique d'élargissement et d'approfondissement est au cœur du projet européen. Plusieurs discours sont consacrés ainsi au traité de Maastricht qui 'ne fait qu'ouvrir la voie de l'Union politique'. Défenseur de l'idée d'une Europe fédérale, Wilfried Martens voit la création de la monnaie unique comme une avancée considérable vers sa réalisation, tout en critiquant toutefois la structure institutionnelle confuse entérinée par le traité. Pour lui, la construction européenne doit avancer vers l'établissement d'une politique extérieure commune, des politiques de sécurité et de défense européenne, ainsi que vers une Constitution européenne.

D'autres thèmes récurrents dans les discours concernent la démocratie chrétienne et sa capacité de penser l'Europe, les bases et les principes du Parti populaire européen et sa contribution à l'intégration européenne, l'avenir du projet de l'UE et le fédéralisme en général, les relations avec les autres acteurs internationaux.

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Ces Mémoires d’Europe, nés de conversations entre Otto de Habsbourg et un journaliste du Figaro, abordent de multiples thèmes dans un cadre souple et rythmé.

Otto de Habsbourg est l’héritier de 1000 ans d’histoire européenne, il était naturel que le destin des peuples d’Europe au XXe siècle fût au centre de ses préoccupations. Illustrant son propos d’éléments autobiographiques et de références – idéalisées – à l’empire familial des Habsbourg-Lorraine, il met constamment en perspective dans le temps et l’espace les politiques qui construisent l’Europe contemporaine.

Parmi celles-ci, relevons particulièrement les réflexions liées à la sécurité et à la défense, à l’harmonie entre une supranationalité européenne et la place éminente des régions, condition nécessaire à l’établissement d’un modus vivendi entre nations, y compris les minorités, délivré des tensions extrémistes de toute nature.

La Paneurope, affirme-t-il, c’est toute l’Europe. La Mitteleuropa et les Balkans ont indiscutablement vocation à entrer dans cet ensemble, de même qu’à terme certains peuples plus à l’est. L’Europe ainsi dessinée pourrait coexister avec de grands blocs fédérés au sud (Maghreb, Proche-Orient). Dans le domaine économique, il s’oppose avec vigueur au libéralisme sauvage. Mais au-delà de ces questions, il regrette que l’Europe actuelle ne réponde pas aux besoins de l’âme et de l’esprit. Elle doit encore évoluer sur ce plan en redonnant notamment toute leur valeur à la culture et à l’éducation.

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Book Cover: Delors : inside the house that Jacques built
Editions:Cartaceo: € 32,26 EUR
Pages: 304

This biography of Jacques Delors, published as he entered the final year of his Presidency of the European Commission, tells the story of how he reinvigorated an institution which had lost influence in the recession-hit Europe of the early 1980s. As French Finance Minister in François Mitterand’s first government, Delors had been responsible for austerity policies which had helped pull the country out of economic trouble.

Delors was appointed Commission President in July 1984, and immediately sought a “big idea” with which he could drive the Community out of its moribund state. He chose the internal market, in part because that was the only area which would be supported by all 10 of the Member States at the time. With the initiative launched, he then persuaded governments to launch the process of treaty change, leading to the 1986 Single European Act, with its all-important introduction of qualified majority voting in the Council. This was critical if the internal market programme, with its 297 legislative measures was to be completed by the deadline of the end of 1992.

The biography outlines Delors’ role in the major subsequent developments in the Community over his three terms in office (1985-1995), including the fixing of a first multi-year budget package, the development of plans for economic and monetary union, German reunification, and the negotiation of the Maastricht Treaty.

It relates how he, together with his chef de cabinet, Pascal Lamy, reorganised the Commission and, despite its collegiate system, focused power in the President’s office. It also considers how Delors' Socialism and Christian faith influenced his work on the European project, not least his championing of a 'social Europe' alongside the internal market.

Published as the European Commission headed by Jacques Delors entered its final year, this book was widely seen as Brittan setting out his “manifesto” in a bid to be appointed as the next Commission President. The book was published during a difficult period in Europe: ratification of the 1992 Maastricht Treaty ran into difficulties in several Member States, then the exchange rate mechanism (ERM), set to form the basis of economic and monetary union under Maastricht was stretched to breaking point.

One positive event, however, had been the conclusion of the 12-year long Uruguay Round of world trade talks, in the closing stages of which Brittan had been the chief negotiator for the European Community. Brittan was eventually reappointed as Trade Commissioner, under President Jacques Santer.

In this book, Brittan set out his response to the major issues facing the European Union. In particular, he examines how economic and monetary union could be brought back on track after the ERM’s troubles. He also outlines ideas for developing the new common foreign and security policy of the Maastricht Treaty, noting the need to recover from the EU’s failings in the former-Yugoslav conflicts. He considers ways in which central and eastern European countries could be brought closer to gaining membership of the EU. More generally, he puts forward plans for the improvement of Europe’s economic competitiveness, not least through harnessing the opportunities created by the newly established World Trade Organisation.

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Book Cover: In Europe's name : Germany and the divided continent
Editions:Cartaceo: € 25,88 EUR
Size: 13,97 x 21,59 cm
Pages: 700

In Europe's name' provides a detailed insight of three decades of German foreign policy, from the building of the Berlin Wall (1961) to its fall (1989). Timothy Garton Ash, who had lived in Berlin and had travelled widely through Eastern Europe, has drawn up a meticulously researched and referenced account of (West) German foreign policy and diplomacy towards the post-World War II East-West division of Europe.

The analysis literally concentrates on words and deeds of political actors up until German reunification. Indeed Ash's method of choice is to scrutinize their rhetoric, using an abundance of quotations from press and archival material as his basis, as well as interviews with key actors, such as former chancellors Helmut Schmidt and Helmut Kohl, or former Foreign Minister Hans Dietrich Genscher. The wealth of sources makes this book a true testimonial (Zeitzeugnis).

The book title itself ('In Europe's name') is an allusion to Garton Ash's central thesis: He argues that German diplomacy towards the East, which West German leaders presented as an endeavour to reunite 'the divided continent', was largely triggered by their own national interest to reunite Germany.

The author illustrates, with numerous statements by West German politicians, the degree of compromise undertaken with the Soviet Union; and how much effort West German leaders who, guided by reasons of state, invested in diplomatic dialogue and trade relations with Communist regimes ('détente') in the hope of a top-down transformation ('Wandel durch Annäherung').

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