The book is a collection of 37 essays about Europe as a continent and the European Union. It was commissioned by the Alfred Herrhausen Society for International Dialogue in the context of their 'Europe' theme of the year for 2003. The authors are politicians, economists, and writers of international standing.

In 2002-2003, the ongoing debate concerning the enlargement of the EU on the one hand and the need for consolidation and reinforcement of the integration process on the other was at its peak. Europe was at a turning point in its history and fundamental questions were being raised about issues such as Europe's identity, its common culture and history, its role in the world, and its future. The book questions assumptions about Europe's geographical and political aspects, through a number of articles wherein the authors highlight aspects of the fundamental issues facing Europe at that time. The variety of their views on the challenges of 2003 make this book a thought-provoking read.

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Steiner's work looks at Europe from the point of view of the cultural identity of its citizens. Whilst most Europeans identify themselves first and foremost by their national identity, Steiner examines the process through which political socialisation establishes cultural references which in turn provide a foundation for a European identity.

Steiner is famous for his five key elements of European cultural identification. These experiences and concepts firmly place European identity as a western culture. His essay takes account of the many everyday experiences which make up a sense of self, from café culture to moving through the European landscape, and the weight of the past which is so impregnated in our daily lives, it passes almost without notice. Steiner looks to the future for a European identity and the lessons of history for the civilisation of today.

Book Cover: The European dream : how Europe's vision of the future is quietly eclipsing the American dream
Parte di 2005 series:
Editions:Cartaceo: € 19,50 EUR
Size: 15,24 x 22,86 cm
Pages: 434

The subtitle of this book sums up the content very well. The American Dream, traditionally residing in individual achievement for those who commit themselves to hard work, no longer seems to inspire.
Rifkin argues that the American way of organising life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness is not necessarily the best, as Americans spend increasingly more time at work, receive lower salaries and social benefits, have lower life expectancy, and less time for leisure. In contrast, according to Rifkin, Europeans enjoy a better quality of life and the European Dream thrives in a society in which individuals find security not through accumulation of wealth but through the society's inclusive environment based on sustainable development, cultural diversity, respect for human rights and peaceful coexistence.
Rifkin asserts that the European Union is the first transnational government in history and its example will likely be followed by others. However, the author acknowledges that to extend the European Dream to the rest of the world would require the spread of a universal morality, entailing the will to fight for universal human rights.

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Book Cover: Cousins and strangers : America, Britain, and Europe in a new century
Editions:Cartaceo: € 43,63 EUR
Size: 16,18 x 23,90 cm
Pages: 309

In this book, Chris Patten draws on his extensive political and diplomatic experience, including his 5-year stint as European Commissioner for External Relations, to examine the relationships between the United States, the United Kingdom and the European Union. The traditional 'Western alliance' was a staple element of the post-World War II global political order, but a combination of political and economic factors - not least the collapse of communism and the reunification of Europe and the impact of globalisation in a world that is becoming more multi-polar - has changed the underlying dynamic of this relationship in recent years.

While it is often argued that the US's primary geo-strategic interests now lie in Asia, Patten makes a forceful case (enlivened with many interesting anecdotes from his years representing the EU around the world) for a renewed collaborative leadership from the US and Europe in order to manage new global challenges in the economic, environmental, governance and security spheres and to promote democracy and the rule of law. This will require the EU to play a more vigorous role in the world, not only in matters such as trade but also in terms of security issues. The United Kingdom, which prides itself on its special relationship with the US, but where EU membership has over the years proven a more contentious issue, should, in his view, aim to play a central role in promoting such an endeavour.

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Penser l’Europe

Diadmin

Set 19, 2020
Book Cover: Penser l'Europe
Editions:Cartaceo: € 9,10 EUR
Size: 11,00 x 18,00 cm
Pages: 263

Ecrit dans les années 80, avant la chute du mur de Berlin et le traité de Maastricht, ce livre d'Edgar Morin questionne l'idée d'Europe et l'existence d'une identité européenne. A travers l'histoire et la culture européennes mais aussi à travers les différentes crises de l'Europe - économiques, démographiques, identitaires - l'auteur cherche à dégager un chemin de connaissance révélateur de la complexité du réel européen.
Quelques idées majeures apparaissent en guise de fondements:
- l'intime conviction qu'il faut penser l'Europe en tant que communauté de destin avant de l'envisager comme une communauté de dessein;
- le rejet de toute simplification de la notion d'Europe qui 'doit être conçue selon une multiple et pleine complexité';
- 'le dialogue des pluralités' au sein de l'Europe qui produit le changement et qui est son moteur interne;
- la métamorphose, le devenir permanent qui, sur le fond du 'tourbillon historique' européen, est la condition par excellence de l'existence de l'Europe.
A partir de ces idées, l'auteur interroge les problèmes de la construction européenne en tant qu'incarnation d'une idée européenne méta-nationale et souligne la fragilité de celle-là qui 'a gardé l'Etat Nation sous sa forme souveraine inconditionnelle'. Il identifie les 'menaces extra-européennes' et la demande d'Europe des peuples européens dans le contexte de celles-ci, ainsi que la réponse des instances européennes. Enfin, il définit la nouvelle identité européenne consciente des fragilités et des forces, des différents risques, incertitudes et chances communs à tous les pays et régions d'Europe, d'une Europe qui au sein de 'l'ère planétaire' est devenue paradoxalement provinciale et méta-nationale à la fois.

Ako chutí moc

Diadmin

Set 19, 2020
Book Cover: Ako chutí moc
Editions:Cartaceo: € 183,45 EUR
Pages: 201

Dielo 'Ako chutí moc' je podľa autora politickým pamfletom. Mňačko opisuje správanie vládnej moci a strany a kritizuje obdobie 50-tych rokov 20. storočia, obdobie kultu osobnosti a stalinizmu.

Rozprávačom príbehu je fotograf Frank, ktorý má po smrti nemenovaného politika urobiť fotografickú reportáž z jeho štátneho pohrebu. Pozná ho už veľa rokov, chodili spolu do školy, poznal ho ako partizánskeho veliteľa, ktorého si každý vážil, neskôr sleduje jeho politickú kariéru. Počas pohrebu spomína na to, ako sa politik postupne menil na bezohľadného a zbabelého človeka, ktorý robil všetko pre to, aby si udržal moc. Ako sa dostával vyššie na politickom rebríčku, opojený mocou zabúdal na starých priateľov a nových si nenachádzal, lebo všetci sa ho báli. Obával sa, že stratí svoje postavenie a moc, nikomu nedôveroval a začal sa báť tých, nad ktorými mal predtým moc. Najviac istého človeka v pozadí, ktorý sa stal mocnejším ako on a ktorý rozhodol, že nastala jeho spoločenská smrť. Potom nastala jeho skutočná smrť. Frank na pohrebe sleduje ľudí, ktorý sa navonok tvária, že je im ľúto, ale z celej duše ho nenávideli. Jediní, ktorým je ľúto jeho smrti sú tí, ktorých neskôr odvrhol, syn, bývalá manželka, bývalí spolubojovníci, ktorým neskôr ublížil. Frank rozmýšľa, čo je moc a čo jej dôsledkom.
Hlavná myšlienka románu je kritika totalitnej moci, a demoralizujúci vplyv moci na jej nositeľov.

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Book Cover: The European rescue of the nation-state
Parte di 2000 series:
Editions:Cartaceo: € 38,89 EUR
Size: 15,60 x 23,39 cm
Pages: 484

Milward provides a detailed historical analysis of the origins of European integration, using statistical and verbal records of national economic policy. He counters Eurosceptic conceptions that the European Economic Community was 'the beginning of the end' of the nation state. Milward argues, in the manner of neo-realists, that European economic and political integration happened because it was in the interest of nation states, which, according to Milward, were for the first time truly integrating farmers, workers and the lower middle class. European integration offered something to everyone and thus helped governments to gain re-election.

One of the national case studies in this book concerns coal mining and its decline in Belgium and the way Europe offered alternatives and lightened the social consequences of mine closures.

In another case study Milward analyses his own country's relationship with Western Europe, mainly in the 1950s.

Contrary to federalist/ functionalist theoreticians of EU integration, Milward pays comparatively little attention to the idealism of what he calls the 'European saints' (Monnet, Schuman, Spaak, among others), to whom he devotes merely one short chapter. He also downplays geopolitical considerations as a motivation for the creation of what is now the EU.

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Book Cover: The destiny of Europe
Parte di 2012 series:
  • The destiny of Europe

The Destiny of Europe deals with conceptual ideas of Europe, its identity and challenges and tries to lay down possible alternatives for further European integration.

In the light of this work and one other work on the 'Philosophy of European Unity', both highly praised worldwide, Guido Westerwelle, at the time German Foreign Minister, and Michael Link, as German Minister of State for European Affairs, asked the author to participate in a German-led discussion on reform of the European Institutions. Germany at the time was particularly interested in reforming EU competences and concluding the negotiations on the competitiveness pact.

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Regulating Europe

Diadmin

Set 19, 2020
Book Cover: Regulating Europe
Editions:Cartaceo: € 48,87 EUR
Size: 15,60 x 23,39 cm
Pages: 332

Majone explores the development of regulation in Europe, contrasting European states’ approaches to that of the US, where independent “statutory” regulators were created much earlier. European policy-makers’ primary means to address market failure had been through nationalisation and direct state control of industries and services. With this approach seen to have failed, and under pressure on public budgets, governments launched privatisation programmes and major “deregulation” initiatives. However, Majone argues that rather than deregulating, this process actually saw the substitution of one form of regulation with another.

He describes the development of the European Communities as both a consequence and a cause of the emergence of new forms of regulation. On the one hand, the European Commission had fewer budgetary constraints on proposing regulatory measures than in developing redistributive programmes. Moreover, one or other Member State often demanded the Commission put forward regulatory measures in a given field. On the other hand, in delegating regulatory powers to the Commission, Member States not only distanced themselves from unpopular actions, but the Commission would be seen by market actors as a more credible regulator, being more distant from vested interests in each country than governments.

Building on contributors’ case studies of European regulation in practice, Majone highlights the unstable relationship between national and European levels of regulation. He concludes with discussion on the problem of ensuring legitimacy for regulators with little democratic accountability, in particular in situations where policy-makers fail to resist the temptation to exercise hidden influence on regulators.

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Book Cover: The Oxford Manifesto
Parte di 1947 series:
The Oxford Manifesto was adopted at the International Liberal Conference in Oxford, in April 1947, by representatives of liberal political parties from 19 countries. Salvador de Madariaga, one of the main authors of the Manifesto, was elected as a member of the provisional executive committee at the conference and later (in 1948) became the first president of the Liberal International. The Manifesto is the founding document for the Liberal International and as such represents basic liberal political ideas and principles.
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